El judaísmo del Segundo Temploantiguas y nuevas perspectivas

Referencias bibliográficas

• 1 Este es el caso de las obras de Josefo o del primero y según libro de los Macabeos. Estos textos fueron usados como fuente histórica en ocasiones de una manera acrítica. Como ejemplo de una relectura de Josefo ver J. Barclay (ed.), Negotiating Diaspora: Jewish Strategies in the Roman Empire (Library of Second Temple Studies 45; London / New York 2004).
• 2 Para una valoración reciente de Qumran ver J. VanderKam – P. Flint (eds.), El Significado de los rollos del Mar Muerto: Su importancia para entender la Biblia, el judaísmo, Jesús y el Cristianismo, traducido por Pablo A. Torijano y Andrés Piquer (Madrid 2008).
• 3 Vease R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History (Clarendon Press, Oxford 1946) 154-155; E. A. Clark, History, Theory, Text: Historians and the Linguistics Turn (Cambridge Mass 2004) 156-185; N. B. Dorhman, “Name Calling: Thinking About (the Study of) Judaism in Late Antiquity”: JBL 99 (2009) 1-5.
• 4 “When Jews and Christians tell the story of the last pre-Christian centuries and the turn of the era, which is of the time of Christ and the founding of Christianity, those tellings are not dispassionate. The “baggage,” the cultural memory of the modern historians, affects the way they view and tell that story. When contemporary historians’ religious faith is also involved in this telling (and not infrequently their personal belief system is grounded in a particular perception or interpretation of this piece of the past), the problem is compounded. These factors, in some instances, have real implications for the way the history of tat crucial age is written”, M. E. Stone, Ancient Judaism: New Visions and Views (Grand Rapids, MI 2011) 5.
• 5 Cf. A. H. Becker – A. Yoshiko Reed (eds.), The Ways That Never Parted: Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 95; Tübingen 2003) 1-33. Véase también, D. Boyarin, Border Lines: The Partition of Judaeo-Christianity (Philadelphia 2004) 19-21.
• 6 Esta constatación no es nueva; véase W. Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity (Philadelphia 1971); J. R. Lyman, “Hellenism and Heresy”: JECS 11 (2003) 209-222; Id., “Heresiology: The Invention of ‘Heresy’ and ‘Schism’”, en: A. Casiday – F. W. Norris (eds.), The Cambridge History of Christianity 2 (Cambridge 2007) 296-304; M. E. Stone, Scriptures, Sects and Visions: A Profile of Judaism from Ezra to the Jewish Revolts (Philadelphia 1980) 49-56.
• 7 Cf. la explicación de las diferencias entre Qumrán y el sacerdocio hasmoneo en L. H. Schiffman, Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls: The History of Judaism, the Background of Christianity, the Lost Library of Qumran (Philadelphia; Jerusalem 1994) 83-95.
• 8 Cf. la explicación sobre los cambios materiales en la transmisión textual en J. C. Trebolle Barrera, La Biblia judía y la Biblia cristiana: Introducción a la historia de la Biblia (Madrid 1993) 102-113.
• 9 M. O. Wise, Language & Literacy in Roman Judaea: A Study of the Bar Kokhba Documents (New Haven – London 2015) 135-205; A. Hoffman – P. Cole, Sacred Trash: The Lost and Found World of the Cairo Genizah (New York 2011); S. C. Reif, Jewish Prayers Texts from the Cairo Genizah (Études sur le Judaïsme Médiéval 66; Leiden 2016); E. Turner, Greek Papyri: An Introduction (1968; repr.; Princeton 2015) [libro electrónico].
• 10 Cf. D. M. Carr, Writing on the Tablet of the Heart: Origins of Scripture and Literature (New York 2005) 195-196.
• 11 Cf. R. A. Kraft, “Christian Transmission of Greek Jewish Scriptures: A Methodological Probe,” en: A. Benoit (ed.), Paganisme, Judaisme, Christianisme: Influences et affrontements dans le monde antique (Mélanges offerts à Marcel Simon) (Paris 1978) 207-226.
• 12 Cfr D. R. Edwards – C. T. McCollough (eds.), The Archaeology of Difference: Gender, Ethnicity, Class and the “Other” in Antiquity. Studies in Honor Eric M. Meyers (AASOR 60/66; Boston 2007); sobre la precaución necesaria al usar datos arqueológicos véase J. D.G. Dunn, “On the Relation of Text and Artifact: Some Cautionary Tales,” en: S. G. Wilson – M. Desjardins (eds.), Text and Artifact in the Religions of Mediterranean Antiquity: Essays in Honour of Peter Richardson (Waterloo Ontario 2000) 192-208.
• 13 La existencia de una revista titulada Archaeology and Text: A Journal for the Integration of Material Culture with Written Documents in the Ancient Mediterranean and Near East es muy reveladora a este efecto. La integración de ambos tipos de fuentes es importante pero no ha de ser necesariamente la finalidad última. Como ejemplo de cómo la arqueología contribuye a nuestro conocimiento del judaísmo del segundo Templo, cf. N. Avigad, Discovering Jerusalem (Nashville 1983); J. Magness, Stone and Dung, Oil and Spit: Jewish Daily Life in the Time of Jesus (Grand Rapids, MI 2011).
• 14 Ver J. Magness, The Archaeology of Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls (Grand Rapids, MI 2002).
• 15 Y. Yadin, Masada: Herod’s Fortress and the Zealots Last Stand (London 1966). Para una crítica a la postura de Yadin véase S. D. J. Cohen, “Masada Literary Tradition, Archeological Remains, and the Credibility of Josephus”: JJS 33 (1982) 385-405; K. Atkinson, “Noble Deaths at Gamla and Masada? A Critical Assessment of Josephus’ Accounts of Jewish Resistance in Light of Archaeological Discoveries,” en: Z. Rodgers (ed.), Making History. Josephus and Historical Method (Leiden 2007) 349-371.
• 16 Cf. A. J. Saldarini, Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society: A Sociological Approach (Wilgmington, DE /Edinburgh 1988) 37-51.
• 17 Magness, Stone and Dung, 15.
• 18 Para la consideración de esta diferencia en el antiguo Israel véase G. W. Dever, Did God Have a Wife? Archaeology and Folk Religion in Ancient Israel (Grand Rapids, MI 2005).
• 19 Cf. S. Schwartz, Imperialism and Jewish Society: 200 BCE to 640 CE (Princeton / Oxford 2001) 49-71; Cf. también, G. Bohak, Ancient Jewish Magic. A History (Cambridge 2008); Id., “Prolegomena to the Study of the Jewish Magical Tradition”: Currents in Biblical Research 8 (2009); J Naveh – S. Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls, Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity (Jerusalem / Leiden 1985); Id., Magic Spells and Formulae: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity (Jerusalem 1993).
• 20 Cf. G. Alon, The Jews in Their Land in the Talmudic Age: 70–640 C.E. (Harvard University Press, Cambridge 1989); para una visión más equilibrada de la misma postura, cf. L. Levine, The Rabbinic Class of Roman Palestine in Late Antiquity (Jerusalem / New York 1989).
• 21 Cf. Schwartz, Imperialism, 45-99.
• 22 Cf. G. W. E. Nickelsburg, Ancient Judaism and Christian Origins: Diversity, Continuity and Transformation (Atlanta 2003); R. A. Karft – G. W. E. Nickelsburg (eds.), Early Judaism and Its Modern Interpreters (Atlanta 1986).
• 23 Stone, Ancient Judaism: New Visions and Views.
• 24 M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in Their Encounter in Palestine in the Early Hellenistic Period (Minneapolis 1971); cf. también I. Levine, Judaism and Hellenism in Antiquity. Conflict or Confluence? (Seattle 1998) 3-32; L. H. Feldman, Studies in Hellenistic Judaism (Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und Urchristentums 30; Leiden 1996); Id., Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian (Princeton 1993); J. J. Collins – G. R. Sterling (eds.), Hellenism in the Land of Israel (Notre Dame IND 2001); M. Goodman (ed.), Jews in a Graeco-Roman World (Oxford 1998).
• 25 Para una crítica a este concepto cfr D. Boyarin, “A Tale of Two Synods: Nicaea. Yavneh, and Rabbinic Ecclesiology”: Exemplaria 12 (2000) 21-62; cfr también Schwartz, Imperialism, 12-14.
• 26 Sobre la sinagoga cf. L. I. Levine, The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years (New Haven, CT 2000). Está un poco anticuado pero sigue siendo pertinente.
• 27 En cualquier caso la revuelta de la diáspora en 115-117 supuso la desaparición de muchas de estas comunidades en Cirenaica, Chipre y Egypto. Cf. A. Fuks, “Aspects of the Jewish Revolt in A.D. 115–117”: JRS 51 (1961) 98-204; W. Horbury, Jewish War under Trajan and Hadrian (Cambridge 2014); M. Pucci Ben Zeev, Diaspora Judaism in Turmoil, 116/117: Ancient Sources and Modern Insights (Leuven 2005).
• 28 Cf. S. Cohen, The Beginnings of Jewishness: Boundaries, Varieties, Uncertainties (Berkeley 2000); Schwartz, Imperialism; Boyarin, Border Lines. Para otras visiones cfr L. I. Levine – D. R. Schwartz, Jewish Identities in Antiquitiy: Studies in Memory of Menahem Stern (Tübingen 2009).
• 29 Cf. Cohen, The Beginnings of Jewishness, 341-349, especialmente 343.
• 30 Cf. Schwartz, Imperialism, 5.
• 31 Cf. Schwartz, Imperialism, 15.
• 32 Cf. Schwartz, Imperialism, 131-161.
• 33 “Christianization, and what is called in social historical terms its sibling, the emergence of religion as a discrete category of human experience –religion’s disembedding– had a direct impact on the Jewish culture of late antiquity because the Jewish communities appropiated much from the Christian society around them. That is, quite a lot of the distinctive Jewish culture was, to be vulgar about it, repackaged Christianity”, Schwartz, Imperialism, 179.
• 34 Historia Ecclesiastica, Libro II 4-54.
• 35 Sobre la hibridación desde la perspectiva de estudios neocoloniales véase M. L. Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London 1992); R. J. C. Young, Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture and Race (London 1995); A. W. Astell – S. Goodhart (eds.), Sacrifice, Scripture and Substitution: Readings in Ancient Judaism and Christianity (Notre Dame 2011).
• 36 Cf. Boyarin, Border Lines, 17-33.
• 37 “With Christianity, cult and culture become stranded, as it separated Romanitas from religious practice”, D. Boyarin, “Semantic Differences; or Judaism / Christianity,” en: A. H. Becker – A. Yoshiko Reed (eds.), The Ways That Never Parted: Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Minneapolis 2007) 65-86, especialmente 72.
• 38 G. W. E. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature between the Bible and the Mishnah (Philadelphia 2005).
• 39 Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 3.
• 40 Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 44-46.
• 41 Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 46-53.
• 42 Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 53-63.
• 43 Concretamente en el capítulo 24. donde la sabiduría se alaba a sí misma en un himno. Este capítulo tiene dos paralelos claros en Proverbios 8, y mucho más sorprendentemente en el himno a Isis, cf. Hengel, Judaism 1:157-159.
• 44 Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 69-89.
• 45 Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 92-117.
• 46 Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 270-288.
• 47 Schwartz, Imperialism, 68: “‘Torah’ was a series of negotiations between an authoritative but opaque text, and various set of traditional but not fully authorized practice”.
• 48 Es necesario entender que el concepto de Torah abarcaba y abarca mucho más que el Pentateuco, y se refiere a todo el cuerpo de práctica legal judía.
• 49 Sectario no se ha de entender aquí como opuesto a una ortodoxia, sino como grupo alternativo y en oposición al resto. El caso más evidente y mejor documentado seria el Qumrán.
• 50 Cf. Stone, Ancient Judaism, 81.
• 51 Para un status quaestionis sobre la apocalíptica véase J. J. Collins, Apocalypse, Prophecy, and Pseudepigraphy. On Jewish Apocalyptic Literature (Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, MI 2015).