Feminismos y género en los Estudios Internacionales
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Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
info
ISSN: 1699-3950
Année de publication: 2020
Titre de la publication: Número abierto
Número: 44
Pages: 127-145
Type: Article
D'autres publications dans: Relaciones internacionales
Résumé
In the last decades, the specific role of women in international relations has received more attention and feminist theories have gained ground in the intellectual debate, which has contributed to a general sensitization towards the incorporation of the analysis of the gender category in the discipline of international relations. In fact, one of the characteristic features of the discipline of international relations had been the invisibility of gender structures that impact men and women differently. However, with the emergence of the so-called “third debate”, a new opportunity was opened to think about the international from more critical and inclusive perspectives. The impact of feminist studies took place in the late 1980s with a special publication on gender in Millennium: Journal of International Studies. Of great relevance at present are the theories produced outside of the hegemonic centers and that question both the classical theories and the Western gender system for covering up an ethnocentric project. Indeed, post-decolonial theorists aim to destabilize hegemonic discourses about a supposedly universal experience of women. In this sense, the main objective of this article is to carry out a bibliographic review on the main feminist schools, as well as to systematize the plurality of feminist theories and practices that have taken place in the course of international studies. In this way, after a brief introduction on the emergence of feminist approaches in the discipline, this study analyzes the contributions of the main feminist schools: liberal feminism, standpoint feminism, constructivist feminism, postmodernist feminism, postcolonial feminism, decolonial feminism, queer theory, and the focus on masculinities. Through the examination of these different feminist theoretical currents, their impact on the discipline of international relations will be analyzed, showing the epistemological, methodological and ontological changes present in the different schools. Feminist theories in international relations must therefore be approached in a multidimensional way, in the sense of recognizing the differences and common elements regarding the experiences of women, men and sexual dissidents from different latitudes. In this sense, the possibility of renewal in international relations occurred with the crisis of the realist paradigm after the end of the Cold War. In this context, there was the emergence of numerous studies that began to incorporate feminist lenses in their analyses. With the new critical perspectives - which focused their examinations on non-state and sub-state agents when criticizing state-centeredness in the discipline -, women were conceived as possible agents of transformation of their environment both locally and internationally. These criticisms implied a new dimension for incorporating issues of “low politics”, an area in which the majority of women would be placed. In this context, feminist theories were gaining more and more relevance in the intellectual debate of the discipline and some authors began to criticize more strongly the dominant theories, given their markedly sexist bias. In the late 1980s, Ann Tickner stated that “international politics is a man’s world” and, more forcefully, questioned, in light of feminist lenses, the six realist pillars of Hans Morgenthau. Morgenthau and other theorists sought to overturn the idea that “gender has nothing to do with international processes and events” (Zalewski, 1997, p. 342). Thus, realist theorists insisted on the defense of objectivity and neutrality in international relations, and in terms of gender argued that on the one hand, the topics covered equally affect men and women and, on the other hand, international relations refers to an autonomous sphere of reality. In recent years, we find few authors who support this vision, although the absence of studies with gender analysis in the discipline is salient. Of great relevance today are the theories produced outside the hegemonic centers and that question both the classical theories and the Western gender system for covering up an ethnocentric project that omits multiple hierarchies of power and that marginalizes and dismisses the agency of women who are outside the “center”. Indeed, post-decolonial theorists aim to destabilize hegemonic discourses, both in international relations and in feminist studies. The contributions of feminism are one of the most important innovations in international relations, although, admittedly, it was “one of the last bastions to succumb to feminist research” (Byron and Thorburn, 1998, p. 211). Feminist literature has denounced the supposed objectivity of the classical paradigms of the discipline, especially realism, as well as the androcentrism that emerges from traditional analyses. For realists, the State is conceived as “an orderly, peaceful sphere that acts rationally in function of the national interest, representing the whole of society”. However, some authors consider that this analysis is based on the “functions performed by men as the basis of political identity” (Rodríguez Manzano, 2001, p. 261) and, therefore, masculine characteristics “are projected onto the behavior of States” (Tickner, 1992, 6). The image of a State as a mirror of rational man is supported by the conceptual universe that surrounds it, such as the struggle for power, the search for peace, or sovereignty, which reinforces the idea that political activity is dominated by males. But this man is not just anybody, and the idea of the State is built in the image and likeness of the ideal archetype of a western white man. Hence follows another complaint made by many feminists: their ethnocentric bias. In the gender system, masculine identity rests on the necessary repression of the aspects considered feminine and, within this logic, colonized men are feminized: they are beings destitute of rationality, they need the tutelage of the white man for their “development”. The other, the foreigner, and the different are constructed as irrational, unpredictable, qualities considered feminine in the western gender system. On the other hand, white women assume that they are the ones who invite other women to participate in feminist politics. They are conceived as the pioneers in this emancipatory process. Women in the Global South have denounced these discourses by pointing out that differences between women lead to differences of privilege, exclusion and power. In this sense, a woman’s point of view does not guarantee a reciprocal relationship with the Other, but rather can exercise a hierarchical relationship by not considering the different female subjectivities. Therefore, they argue that feminist theory must include the experiences of all women through the intersection of gender, class, race, sexuality, political order, place of enunciation, etc. It is thus important to note that feminist theories are not monolithic and are characterized by their plurality. While some scholars have preferred to analyze international phenomena in a more traditional way, showing how women have played an important role in international politics -whether in “high politics” or in a subordinate position-, others have dedicated themselves to denaturalizing the concept of universal woman (that is, Euro-white women), pointing out other problems, such as race, class or sexuality from an intersectional vision. Many, however, start from an initial guiding question: where are women in international relations? Parallel to this question and the incorporation of women as a variable in the discipline - a variable that is especially important for liberal and radical feminists - the category of gender is consecrated as the most relevant contribution.
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